Jesse Kline's Blog
21
Sep
2011
Obama’s tax-the-rich plan sets the stage for the 2012 election Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

Higher taxes on the rich will mean they have less money to invest in job-creationHigher taxes on the rich will mean they have less money to invest in job-creationEarlier this month, U.S. President Barack Obama stood in front of a joint session of Congress to push for the passage of his proposed American Jobs Act. The bill is essentially another stimulus program that will cost taxpayers $447-billion. Surprisingly, however, there initially seemed to be some support among Republican lawmakers — who have built a reputation of saying no to everything the President proposes.

That was before Obama announced how he planned on paying for the second round of stimulus. In a press conference Monday, Obama proposed $1.5-trillion in tax increases, mostly on corporations and the wealthy, who he believes are not paying their “fair share.” But the plan is riddled with problems.

While it may feel good to blame rich people for everything that’s wrong with America, it’s simply not true that they don’t pay their fair share of taxes. According to numbers compiled by Mercatus Center economist Veronique de Rugy, the top 5% of income earners pay a majority, 60%, of the income tax, while earning only 35% of the wealth. In comparison, half the population pays a mere 2.7% of the total tax base.

It’s clear from these numbers that the rich pay more than their “fair share,” while half the population gets a free ride on the backs of those who actually keep the economy moving. Surely President Obama is aware of these statistics, but populists have always needed a scapegoat — whether it be immigrants, communists or the wealthy — in order to push their agenda. So while raising taxes during a recession might be bad policy, Obama is betting that it will be good politics.

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07
Sep
2011
Legislators ban smoking; bar owners ban law makers Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

A group of bar owners are sticking it to the man by banning the law makers who imposed a smoking ban on them.A group of bar owners are sticking it to the man by banning the law makers who imposed a smoking ban on them.A group of Michigan bar owners are fed up with the government telling them what they can and cannot do on their own property, so they’ve decided to introduce a ban of their own — by barring state legislators from their establishments.

In May of 2010, Michigan followed the lead of many other jurisdictions around the world and banned smoking in bars and restaurants. As happened elsewhere, most smokers rolled over and allowed the state to treat them like second class citizens by forcing them to gather in huddled masses outside pubs, in order to keep warm on cold winter nights.

But some smokers decided to stay home, instead of going to an establishment that no longer provides the service they are looking for. Bars and restaurants saw their business drop by 20% in the first three months after the ban was put in place and most of that business hasn’t returned. Likewise, sales of alcohol, food and lottery tickets are down across the board, which is not welcome news for local businesses that are trying to survive in one of the hardest-hit areas of the United States.

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03
Aug
2011
Washington drives America over the edge, in a Lamborghini Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

After all the political bickering over the past few months, a deal to raise the U.S. debt ceiling was passed into law yesterday. Even though Republicans and Democrats were able to ram the deal through both houses of Congress, condemnation of the agreement was swift and has come from both sides of the isle, which is usually a good indication that the bargain is fairly centrist. The only problem is that the centre of the American political spectrum, representing the status quo, exists in a fantasy land somewhere between Narnia and Middle Earth.

Liberals and Democrats are certainly not pleased. In an editorial, The New York Times called it “a terrible deal.” Democratic Congressman Emanuel Cleaver said it was a “Satan sandwich.” The common complaint from the left is that the deal does nothing to raise revenues and forces significant cuts in spending. This argument is not completely without merit. Grover Norquist — president of Americans for Tax Reform — has been wildly successful in getting Republicans to sign a pledge not to increase taxes under any circumstances.

While this is generally a good thing, it means that the GOP has been steadfast in not including half the balance sheet in the negotiations over balancing the budget. By maintaining the Bush tax cuts, the Republicans are responsible for a huge portion of this deficit. They are also responsible for the massive increases in spending under the Bush administration, which they seem to be trying hard to forget.

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26
Jul
2011
America’s free-spending lunatics are running the debt asylum Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

Republicans and Democrats failed to reach a deal on raising the country’s debt ceiling over the weekend, stoking fears on international markets that America’s credit worthiness could fall into serious disrepair.

The credit rating agency Standard & Poor’s recently warned the U.S. that comprehensive reforms to cut spending and raise the debt limit are needed in order to prevent a downgrade in the country’s AAA rating. Proposals coming out of Congress, however, seem to be splitting down partisan lines and President Obama has not been successful at brokering a deal.

House Speaker John Boehner is expected to propose a plan that would raise the debt ceiling by $1-trillion dollars now and another $1.6-trillion once Congress successfully enacts an equal amount of spending reductions. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, on the other hand, is proposing a package that would reduce spending and increase the debt limit all at once, in order to postpone future negotiations until after the 2012 election.

Markets are rightly nervous about America’s ability to get its fiscal house in order, but doomsday scenarios about the world ending if the Aug. 2 deadline is missed have been highly exaggerated. If the Aug. 2 deadline is missed, it does not automatically mean that the U.S. defaults.

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29
Jun
2011
San Francisco welcomes gays, bans everything else; or: Don't be a menace to McDonaldland while buying your circumcised dog on the Bay Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   
San Francisco wants to ban the sale of live animals, unless they're for human consumption. So this puppy in a bowl might still be legal.San Francisco wants to ban the sale of live animals, unless they're for human consumption. So this puppy in a bowl might still be legal.

The least welcome person is San Francisco these days may be a circumcised child taking a walk with his dog, in search of a Happy Meal, or a bottle of Coke.

Last year, the city banned Happy Meals and other fast food combinations that are marketed to children. It also replaced soda in the vending machines at City Hall with soy milk and other hippie healthy beverages. It’s currently trying to get a measure on the ballot that would make circumcisions a misdemeanour. That proposal is being challenged in court as outside the purview of a municipal government and a threat to religious freedom. Now the city is looking at a ban on selling pets — everything from goldfish and hamsters to cats and dogs.

Many in the city are not taking the proposal seriously. City Supervisor Sean Elsbernd told the San Francisco Chronicle it is “another Animal Welfare idea that will end up in the dustbin of history and go absolutely nowhere.” But the idea seems to have staying power, as the city has been debating the ban for quite some time. And given the city’s history of trying to ban everything, it would be foolish to underestimate the San Francisco nanny state.

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02
Mar
2011
Housing Finance Reform: The Three Actions Politicians Could Take Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

In our latest op-ed, Anthony Randazzo and I analyze a number of options for how the U.S. government could go about the process of reforming Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac:

Two years. Comprehensive housing finance reform in two years. That is what Secretary Timothy Geithner asked Congress to deliver yesterday in testimony before the House Financial Services Committee. It is an ambitious goal. And with persistent unemployment, a historically deep recession, and lethargic recovery all tied to woes in the housing market, getting reform in place so the private sector can once again move back into funding mortgages is desperately needed.

In fact, given that troubles in the $11 trillion housing market continue to be the biggest problem facing the banking industry -- and thus the broader economy -- you'd think Congress would have addressed Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac and FHA a while ago.

Luckily, with new leadership in the House and the administration’s housing finance report endorsing the elimination of the government-sponsored mortgage giants that are propping up the market today that they helped crack the foundation of yesterday, there is a chance that real reform could take root. But it will be a tricky minefield to cross to get there.

Having spent a considerable amount of time on Capitol Hill in the past few months, talking with congressional staffers, and testifying last month in a GSE reform hearing, we see three possible political roads ahead.

First, Congress could talk a lot, but ultimately do nothing and let the executive branch try to fix the system. Secretary Geithner testified this morning that the Treasury and the Federal Housing Finance Agency plan to increase the guarantee fees charged by Fannie and Freddie, as well as promote stricter underwriting standards. He also said that the Federal Housing Administration will raise its premiums later this year. Existing legislative authority would allow the Treasury to even put the GSEs into receivership and increase the speed of the portfolio wind-down process to eliminate Fannie and Freddie completely.

It is unlikely that the Treasury would pursue this route with the appropriate speed necessary, but through other regulatory processes, such as defining qualified residential mortgages and new rules sure to come from the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the executive branch could do a lot to impact housing without Congress at all.

Second, House Republicans could introduce a comprehensive bill that would provide a path to eliminate GSEs over five years, provide reform to FHA, and promote freer mortgage insurance and financing markets. This approach is favored by Texas Rep. Jeb Hensarling, who introduced a GSE reform bill last year and has said repeatedly that he plans to do so again. Such a bill would be unlikely to make it through the Senate, but if done properly would clearly articulate the GOP position on free market reform. Politically, it would allow Republicans to claim they have a plan, but it would also risk delaying any substantial reforms until after the 2012 election.

Third, House Republicans could introduce a series of small bills that would be likely to get bipartisan support. These bills, designed to get approval in the Senate as well, could be used as short-term solutions to protect taxpayers and encourage private capital back into the system. This approach would not necessarily exclude a large bill dropping at the same time. But with several small bills passed over the next few months, Congress could then take up a large piece of legislation and spend time debating the harder, more central parts of long-term housing finance reform, with the goal of passing a substantive bill before the presidential election. New Jersey Rep. Scott Garrett held a House subcommittee hearing to promote this approach last month.

Should Congress decide to go this route, there are a number of measures that should enjoy the support of both Republicans and Democrats.

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18
Feb
2011
Time to Write Off the Mortgage Interest Deduction Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

In my first op-ed written for the Reason Foundation, Anthony Randazzo and I discuss why both liberals and conservatives should be in favour of eliminating the mortgage interest deduction:

The President's budget proposal for 2012 landed with a thud at the doorstep of Congress this week. The spending package actually assumes an increase in deficit spending over the next five-years from the current Congressional Budget Office estimate, and has virtually no substantive adjustments to the nation's tax code. This is confusing since there are number of good, bipartisan ideas floating around that the President or an ambitious Congress could adopt to start the process of real fiscal reform. Eliminating the mortgage interest deduction is one of them.

The Office of Management and Budget has calculated that the MID will cost $104.5 billion in foregone tax revenue in 2011. With a projected budget deficit of over $1 trillion, keeping this this would hardly seem like sound fiscal policy.

When it comes to an issue that progressives, conservatives, and libertarians can agree upon, getting rid of the MID-which allows people to deduct the interest on their mortgage from their tax bill-is low hanging fruit. Or at least, it should be.

Yet, if you ask anyone on Capitol Hill, they'll tell you the MID is a third rail that no one—neither fiscally conservative Republicans or social goal of homeownership-supporting Democrats—wants to touch. The President's proposed budget didn't address the issue at all, despite the White House's own debt commission explicitly suggesting MID reform.

Ignoring MID is ironic because it is very fiscally irresponsible and doesn't help the progressive goal of expanding affordable homeownership.

To start, progressives should favor eliminating the mortgage interest deduction because it has only been shown to increases homeownership rates in high-income areas, and even then not for low-income households. In larger urbancenters, like New York and Los Angeles, it often mixes with strict zoning regulations to drive up prices, making houses unaffordable for people in lower income brackets.

Although the MID has been show to increase homeownership rates slightly—3.6 percent to 5 percent according to a 2010 study from the Spatial Economic Research Centre—those gains have only come for for moderate- or high-income households. And in locals with tight zoning regulations, the MID has been shown to decrease homeownership likelihood by 3.4 percent to 3.7 percent.

In the end, households that cannot afford to buy a home and seniors who have paid off their mortgages don't get any benefit from the deduction, so it ends up being little more than a tax break for young rich people. If the MID was supposed to promote the progressive goal of increasing homeownership and affordable housing, it's been a total failure.

Conservatives shouldn't be happy about it either. From the fiscally conscious perspective, reducing people's tax liabilities is a good thing, since people should be able to use their money as they see fit, instead of it being redistributed by the government. The MID, however, isn't about the government taking less income-it's about giving money back to homeowners to reduce their net tax liability. This nuance is important for conservatives to understand.

Having the government only take 10 percent of your income instead of 30 percent is a tax cut. Having Uncle Sam take 30 percent, but then cutting the tax bill down based on the interest that's being paid by a specific type of American, is not a real tax cut. And it's not fiscally conservative.

The government certainly does not have a right to all our money, but arbitrarily finding ways to deduct tax liability is just another way of redistributing wealth-especially since this tax deduction favors owners over renters. This favoritism also overincentivizes housing investment over other capital ventures, misaligning resources in the economy. In fact, the MID represents a housing subsidy like that provided by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which distorts the housing market and causes inflated prices that lead to booms and busts. Thus, the MID is a failure from a conservative perspective as well.

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04
Jan
2011
Schwarzenegger leaves with a mixed legacy Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   
The Governator's political career may be dead, but he's still fighting for his legacy. (Warner Bros.)The Governator's political career may be dead, but he's still fighting for his legacy. (Warner Bros.)

Arnold Schwarzenegger stepped down as California’s governor Monday and handed the reins to Democrat Jerry Brown. Schwarzenegger originally came to power in a 2003 special election on a platform of fiscal responsibility, but will be remembered for drastically increasing the size of government by initiating massive spending programs and championing a variety of progressive causes.

After introducing tough new environmental regulations, increasing infrastructure spending, and failing to reform a political system that makes it easy to raise spending and hard to increase taxes, Schwarzenegger leaves California in a dismal economic situation. The state now boasts the worst credit rating in the country, with a $28-billion budget deficit — up from just over $10-billion when he took office. During his tenure, California increased its debt level from $34- to $88-billion, which more than doubled the annual cost of servicing the debt. California is also faced with an estimated $500-billion shortfall in funding its pension obligations for public employees.

So what are people saying about the legacy of the movie star turned governor? Unsurprisingly, he seems to be getting mixed reviews.

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19
Oct
2010
Fixing the mistake on the lake Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

Last summer, my father and brother drove across the continent from Calgary, AB to Boston, MA. They described many of the beautiful areas they passed through, from the vast fields of Saskatchewan, stretching as far as the eye can see, to the sprawling metropolis of Boston. There were also some not so nice areas, like the drive through Cleveland, OH. They recounted their story of driving on a decrepit freeway with crumbling fences on the side of the road. It is no wonder this city is often referred to as the "mistake on the lake."

This story did not surprise me, as one of my first tasks when interning at Reason magazine last summer was to transcribe a two-and-a-half hour session of Nick Gillespie and Drew Carey appearing before the Cleveland City Council. They came with a fairly simple message of "better government, smaller government, smarter government." Yet many of the politicians refused see that the best way to help the city prosper once again is to reduce regulations and red tape in order to encourage businesses to come back to the city. An edited version of my transcription is now available on Reason.com:

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16
Jul
2010
A day in the life of an intern Print E-mail
U.S. Politics
Written by Jesse Kline   

Ever since America got rid of those pansy Englishmen by throwing their tea in the harbor and officially switching to coffee, the country has striven for a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. Apparently, however, the government doesn't actually talk to the people.

Reason is one of the few media outlets that has been providing extensive coverage of the trial of John Stagliano, who was—until the case was thrown out late this afternoon—facing obscenity charges for producing and distributing porn videos. And what better way to improve our coverage than to put us lowly interns in a room and have us call the offices of every Senator in the land and ask them for their opinion on some of the issues involved in the trial?

We began this journey early yesterday morning, as we arrived in the office bleary-eyed and full of naive optimism. But it didn't take us long to figure out what game these wily press secretaries were playing. In case you've ever considered a career in messing around with journalists and ensuring the public never finds out who your politician is screwing, here a few general pointers.

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